Rev. John Giessendanner alias Hans Ulrich Gietzentander, Hans Ulrich Giessendanner, Revd Jno Giesendaner and Rev. John Ulrick Giessendanner, 
baptized in Lichtensteig, Switzerland on March 1, 1721, 
son of George Sen. Giessendanner and Susannah Barbara Giezendanner - Giessendanner.

(1721) Den 1. tag Mertz 
Hans Ulrich Gietzentander 
Mstr. Georg Gietzentander 
Hutmacher 
Fr. Susanna Barb. Gietzentander 
Comp. Her Xristofer Gietzentander 
der Goldschmied stad 
Sr. Xristofer Gietzentander 
Susanna Gietzentander 
Comment Joop Giesendanner: 

Not too sure about the Christofers, cannot find them in any files but there are a lot of Christians in that period, maybe this is a different spelling, the readability is really terrible.

Here we find another fine example of how the Giezendanner name has had to suffer in spelling depending on "ears and skills" of the administrator involved
(more spellings)

In English: 

(1721)
The first day of May
Hans Ulrich Gietzentander
parents: Master Georg Gietzentander
Hat maker
Mrs. Susanna Barb. Gietzentander
sponsors: Xristofer Gietzentander
the goldsmith in stead of
Sr. Xristofer Gietzentander
Susanna Gietzentander

He was married in Orangeburgh, SC in church (1) between 1739 and 1742 to
Barbara Hugg - Giessendanner alias Barbara Hugg, born in Aarmuhle, Bern, Switzerland on December 1, 1724, died on March 17, 1758, buried in Orangeburgh, SC on March 18, 1758, daughter of Peter Hugg and Magdalena NN - Hugg.

From this marriage:

He was married (2) after the death of his wife and before January 1759 to
Barbara NN - Giessendanner (comment Joop: who is Barbara? )

Married (1) Unknown (2) another Barbara, surname unknown (3) Barbara Hugg. 
REF: Bert Larey Ancestor Chart Dec 1983.

Comment Joop: I have found no evidence for this supposed first marriage, as far as I can see Elisabeth Hugg was his first wife, another Barbara his second.

From this marriage:

Biography

Hans Ulrich, later known as Rev. John Giessendanner, was member of the party that left his native town Lichtensteig  circa August 25, 1736. They traveled most likely the Rhine river to embark the sailing ship which left Rotterdam circa November 24, 1736. 
Hans Ulrich, being only a young lad, followed the path of his uncle, Hans Ulrich (the elder), along with his parents, brothers, sisters, another uncle plus the family housekeeper. His uncle led a group of 11 family members:

From Armin Muller's book, I read that the Johann Ulrich Giezendanner born on
June 17, 1686 was the son of a George Giezendanner, and John (Hans Ulrich) had
brothers George, born in 1691, and Jacob born 1683. The Giezendanner party
which came to America in 1737 numbered eleven persons and included I believe
(the above) George and Jacob.

Hans Ulrich Giessendanner (the elder); goldsmith, religious leader (Swiss Reformed), but not ordained arrived in SC 1 Feb 1737, age 50,
leading the Giessendanner party of 11 persons
Housekeeper NN - Giessendanner 


Jacob Giessendanner 

George Senr Giessendanner and his family:
George's wife Susannah Barbara  Giessendanner 
Elizabeth Giessendanner
Hans Ulrich Giessendanner (the younger)
George Junr Giessendanner
Jacob Giessendanner
Verena Giessendanner
Ursula Giessendanner
Susannah Barbara Giessendanner

 arr. SC, at least age 40, his future wife, she married Hans Ulrich (the elder) in 1737 (SC)

arr. SC, age 54, his older brother

arr. SC, age 45, his younger brother 
arr. SC, age ±44, his sister in law
arr. SC, age 17, his niece
arr. SC, age 15, his nephew, who will be Rev. John
arr. SC, age 13, his nephew
arr. SC, age 10, his nephew
arr. SC, age 6, his niece
arr. SC, age 3, his niece
arr. SC, age almost 8 months, his niece

 
Apart from the above mentioned note in Armin Müller's book, and notes from Lichtensteig,
I've seen no evidence of the presence in SC of Jacob, the older brother of Hans Ulrich (the elder).
John had a brother George and sister Elizabeth (m. Mr. Krieh) all from Switzerland. 
REF: Salley's History of Orangeburg County, pg 60
(comment Joop: MUST BE: Mr. REICH)
We infer that the elder Giessendanner must have died about the close of the 
year 1738, since the records of his ministerial acts extend to the summer of
that year, whilst those of his nephew commence with the close of the year 1739.
This memo is confirmed by the evidence in the Book of Record: 
The last entry made by the elder Giessendanner dates 12 April 1738. 
The first entry made by the young Rev. John dates 25 Dec. 1739.
Another piece of evidence is found in the following text: 
The Germans in South Carolina
Undeterred by the misfortunes of the Purysburg colony, perhaps encouraged 
by the hard-won success of the pious Salzburgers at Ebenezer, many
persons were anxious to "undertake the transport of Palatines" to
Carolina.  Among the state papers are letter setting forth that the
writers "hear upon good authority that the agents for the Penn family
have quarreled with the Palatines and have refused to let them have any
more going to that colony.  Next year a number of the better sort of the
inhabitants must be force to quit the Palatinate on account of their
religion.  If proper encouragement were given to a few families to go and
settle in South Carolina so that they might acquaint their countrymen
with the goodness of that province, South Carolina might very soon be
peopled with honest planters.  Then we have an enthusiastic account of
"some Palatines who were sent by their countrymen to South Carolina.
They very much approve of the country and have made an advantageous
report".
These personal reports seem to have been the chief cause of the
emigration of Germans to the South.  Few large bodies of emigrants seem
to have come, but in 1735 an emigration en masse took place to the
settlement afterwards named Orangeburg, "because the first colonists were
subjects of the Prince of Orange".  Subsequently this name was given to
the whole "District", which is the first of the counties on the range
back from the ocean to be colonized.  
Two years after the first comers, a third re-enforcement arrived, 
bringing with them, in the German fashion, (comment: sic Swiss)
their pastor, the Rev. John Ulrich Giessendanner. (comment: He was never ordained) 
Shortly after his arrival he was married to the person who had been his housekeeper for
more than a quarter of a century; both were well stricken in years, and
shortly afterwards this first German (comment = Swiss) pastor of South Carolina died.
He was succeeded by his nephew, who bore the same name, but probably to
avoid confusion soon dropped his middle name and was known as the Rev.
John Giessendanner; he, like his uncle, was a Swiss, and labored for many
years among the pioneer Germans with general acceptation as was shown in
the disturbance which was shortly after brought into the little
settlement by a certain itinerant minister who rejoiced in the name of
the Rev. Bartholomew Zauberbuhler (Joop: which I will comment later).
REF: This information was extracted from the book entitled: 
"The Germans In Colonial Times", by Lucy Forney Bittinger, published by Russell & Russell of New York, in 1968.

From all of this, we may conclude that the young nephew continued the work his uncle started. He must have been
well educated in the Scripture to take this responsible task, let alone the fact that he was acceptable to  the early
inhabitants of Orangeburgh and surrounding areas at the age of seventeen.
Unlike his uncle he seemed interested in an immediate ordination for Salley reports:

Salley page 35:
His nephew John (Giessendanner), by the request of the congregation, went to
Charleston for the purpose of "obtaining orders" from Rev. Alexander Garden,
the Bishop of London's commissary, but was persuaded by Major Christian Motte,
whom he met, that he ought not to apply to him, but to other gentlemen to whom
he would conduct him, who, if they found him qualified, would give him
authority to preach. Major Motte made him acquainted with the Presbytery of
South Carolina, who in 1738 gave him authority to preach the gospel among his
German neighbors. This he continued to do, and thus kept up the Church of their
fathers unchanged for a season, though he afterwards went to London and took
Episcopal ordination.

More, concerning this trip to Charleston, is revealed in the counter petition of 1743, which had to do with the already mentioned Mr. Zauberbühler.

Mr. John Giessendanner, by the consent and approbation of your said German
petitioners, went to Charlestown with the intention to make his application to
the Rev. Mr. Alexander Garden, Commissary, to admit him into holy orders, to
preach in German in this township; and when the said Mr. John Giessendanner
came to Charlestown aforesaid, he accidentally met with one Major Christian
Motte, who acquainted him that he ought not to trouble the said Rev. Alexander
Garden with the affair but to go with him to some certain gentlemen, who, if
they found him sufficient, would directly give him orders according to his
desire; upon which the said Mr. John Giessendanner, being then a stranger to
the English method of proceeding in such cases, accompanied the said Major
Christian Motte, and was by him introduced to an Assembly of the Presbytery,
who after examination presented him with orders to preach, which he has since
done in German constantly for the space of five years to the inexpressible
satisfaction of the congregation at Orangeburg; and about two years ago your
said English petitioners, being fully sixty miles from any other place of
divine worship, some of whom had not been favored with an opportunity of
hearing a sermon in the space of seven years, observing the said Mr. John
Giessendanner to be a man of learning, piety, all knowledge in the Holy
Scriptures, prevailed with him to officiate in preaching once every fortnight
in English, which he hath since performed very articulate and intelligible to
the entire satisfaction of ye said English petitioners, and always behaves
himself with sobriety, honesty and justice, encouraging virtue and reproving vice. 
REF: Vol. XI of Journals of Council, pp. 139-143, and dated March 6th 1743

The above mentioned Major Motte seems to have an important role in the life of both Hans Ulrich (the elder) and Rev. John. He is the one that caused Rev. John to join the Presbyterian Church, although Rev. John seemed to seek Episcopal ordination as early as 1738. This might indicate that by that time old Hans Ulrich was already unable to continue his duties or even met his Maker.
From the first record, which was probably entered in the Giessendanner Family Bible (no doubt in possession of Hans Ulrich till he died), we learn:

1stly. I have on 24 Octo by request of Major Motte - & two Englishmen - who are
Majors - and at their own Risk and Responsibility Married in the house of Mrs.
Price a widow - in the Village of Beystein - a Possession of the English Crown.
Joseph Russel to Mrs. Margaret Russel. Her maiden name was Price. The Major
read the marriage service in English in my presence.
(Hans Ulrich Giessendanner, the elder)
REF: A S Salley book: (1737)

We infer this (lack of English minister), moreover, from the record of
Giessendanner's marriages: the ceremony of one was performed in the English
language during the first year of his ministry, with the following remark
accompanying it: 'Major Motte having read the ceremony in the English
language,' from which we conclude that at that time, October 24th. 1737, Rev.
Giessendanner was still unacquainted with the English language, and that on his
account he solicited the aid of Major Motte in the performance of a clerical
duty. That there could have been no other minister of the gospel within the
reach of the parties, who did not reside in the village, otherwise they could
not have employed Rev. G. to perform a ceremony under such embarrassing
circumstances.
REF: Salley page 47

comment Joop:
Salley seems to be of the impression that Hans Ulrich asked Major Motte for help with the English language, to my opinion Major Motte asked Hans Ulrich for help with the clerical aspect of the marriage. 
I think this to be the common practice in those days: 
Come as close to what is considered "a man of God", ask him to perform the ceremony and never mind much the denomination or ordination.
I could very well understand that G. was reluctant or cautious to perform such a deed, not being ordained and having had enough trouble with the church while he was in Europe; I conclude this from the words: "at their own Risk and Responsibility", as written in his record.
It is at least remarkable to see that Major Motte in both occasions seems to lead away from Anglican authorities, whether this is deliberate or not is not for me to comment on.  

Book of Record

Of the utmost importance is the fact that Rev. John, when commencing his work as Presbyterian minister in Orangeburgh, started the Book of Record. He copied the few records that his uncle made (maybe in a not (yet) discovered family Bible) as accurate as he could, or as he put is in his own words:

"Here follows a Register, or List of such persons as were married and joined together in matrimony by my predecessor & Uncle, deceased, and now in Heaven. This register is copied from the old Book into this new one—word for word accurately—as he wrote and kept it."
REF: Salley

More details about the Book of Record can be found at Ad Fontes 1
Hopefully I will be able to see the original in the fall of this year (2000), when visiting SC to do research on the handwriting. For the time being I have to rely on the words of others, for which I have been very grateful:

 First off, the Giessendanner book is not a bible. It is a
hand-written book in three sections namely: Marriages, Births and
Deaths in that order. It is described by A S Salley as an ordinary
but substantial book, over which Rev John G or some subsequent
keeper had stretched a raw-hide binding and sewed it on with thick,
twisted, white cord.
REF: J. S. msg. 990119

So many SC researchers have made great effort to support the ongoing research of the Book of Record. I would surely do injustice to some individual if I should try to name them all, but I am extremely excited about the invitation to come and research the original at the SC University. No copies, how well made, can beat the original document.
Examining the recently made copies has already revealed much new information, many improvements on names and dates could be made. Hopefully the original will give even more.

Important will be to examine the sequence of all entries. The period 1737 - 1749 is the so called Swiss-German period and deals with:

  1. 8 Marriages including his own, performed by Hans Ulrich (the elder) in 1737 & 1738 (these records will not be placed on this web site, to avoid misunderstandings or false information, until I've seen the originals or best possible copies) and copied by Rev. John into the Book of Record.
    So far I have only seen the entries that were published in Salley, the originals are not discovered, the "old" copies are not yet available to me, but I hope this will change next fall.
  2. The records performed by the young Rev. John Giessendanner commence with three marriages as early as New Years Day 1740. The entries are written in Swiss-German, which, no doubt, was the same language used in ceremony and daily life among the members of his Congregation. He continued to do so until 1749, thus entering at least 105 weddings (but probably many more) of which a substantial part (roughly: end of 1742 - end of 1745) was lost. Of these recovered 105 marriages, 39 have only been found through the list which was made after Rev. John came back in 1749 from ordination in England. 
  3. Though the Book itself starts with a cover page bearing 1740, the second section contains baptisms performed at Christmas 1739 and thus the very first acts performed by Rev. John. When we look at the actual baptismal entries, made over the same Swiss-German period 1739-1749, everybody may draw their own conclusion, but to me it is clear that numerous baptisms are missing:
    1739 3
    1740 1
    1741 11
    1742 8
    1743 2
    1744 0
    1745 2
    1746 4
    1747 21
    1748 8
    1749 0
    total 60 baptisms

Could it be that Rev. John was not fully accepted by the inhabitants of Orangeburgh and therefore 
had good years as well as bad? The following story seems to prove this could not have been the reason:   

This worthy (= Mr. Bartholomew Zauberbühler) was not only a minister
but a colonizer, a land speculator, and not impossibly one of those hated
agents in collecting "Palatines" for the New World whom the Germans
branded with the name of Neulander.  It seems that the settlers of
Orangeburg had degenerated somewhat in the roughness of pioneer life, and
when their young and energetic pastor attempted to bring about a
reformation, there was some disaffection among them. Zauberbuhler heard
of this; he was at the time occupied - and one would think sufficiently
so - in settling the colony of New Windsor on the Savannah River opposite
Augusta.  But he found time to intrude into the Orangeburg parish, and in
1742 appeared before the provincial council with a petition reciting that
"there were a great many Germans at Orangeburg, Santee, and thereabouts
who are very desirous of hearing the Word of God preached to them and
their children", and also very desirous that Zauberbuhler should be the
preacher.  He asked the council to grant him five hundred pounds money to
go to London to be ordained to the position of minister in the
established church at Orangeburg on his return; in recompense he proposed
"to bring over a number of foreign Protestants to settle in this
province".  
But, before the Rev. Bartholomew could take his departure for
England on this very mixed ecclesiastical and colonizing mission, the
Orangeburg settlers sent a most indignant petition to the council "to
permit the said Mr. John Giessendanner still to officiate for them in
divine service free from any further disturbance or molestation".  Upon
this, Zauberbuhler subsided and we hear nothing more of him.
But, a few years after Giessendanner took the step threatened by his
rival, and went to London for Episcopal ordination.  The Anglican was the
established church in the colony; the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel, though originally a non-denominational missionary society, now
threw its influence on the same side in appointing its clergyman for work
in the province, and many of the early Lutheran congregations were thus
transferred to the Episcopal fold.
Meantime, settlement advanced.  Governor Glen wrote to the home
government in 1745 of "Orangeburg, Amelia, Sax Gotha, and Fredericksburg,
towns chiefly settled with German Protestants".  Amelia Township is
northeast of Orangeburg; "Sax Gotha" is the governor's mistake for
Saxe-Gotha, the original name of the district or county subsequently
called Lexington; it formed the northwest corner or Orangeburg district.
It was settled in 1737, two years after the elder colony; in 1741 Bolzius
of Ebenezer wrote, "We had heard nothing before of Saxe-Gotha in America,
but we have just heard the intelligence that such a town [township] is
laid out in South Carolina, one hundred English miles from Charlestown on
the road that passes through Orangeburg, and settled with German people.
They have a Reformed minister among them with whose character we are not
yet acquainted".  This clergyman was the Rev. Christian Theus, a
painstaking and godly man, who labored for fifty years in this pioneer
community, and now rests under a tombstone whose half-effaced inscription
say, "This faithful divine labored through a long life as a faithful
servant in his Master's vineyard, and the reward which he received from
many for his labor was ingratitude".
REF: This information was extracted from the book entitled: 
"The Germans In Colonial Times", by Lucy Forney Bittinger, published by Russell & Russell of New York, in 1968.
Basically the same information is quoted in a much older book:

Mr. Major Christian Motte "Presented him [John Giessendanner} with orders to preach, which he had since done in German constantly for the space of five years to the inexpressible satisfaction of the congregation at Orangeburg; and about two years ago, [the English settlement] being fully sixty miles from any other place of divine worship, some of whom had not been favored with an opportunity of hearing a sermon in the space of seven years, observing the said Mr. John Geissendanner [=Giessendanner] to be a man of learning, piety, and knowledge in the Holy Scriptures, prevailed with him to officiate in preaching once every fortnight in English, which he hath since performed very articulate and intelligible to the entire satisfaction of ye said English petitioners, and always behaves himself with sobriety, honesty, and justice, encouraging virtue and reproving vice."
REF: Quoted in History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina,  by G. D. Bernheim, Philadelphia, The Lutheran Bookstore, 1872. p. 114.

Many quotations as to the character of Rev. John we have seen in the above, but all of them are made by others. Some, however, can be found in the Book of Record, which seems to have been used for personal notes too. 
Here is a short memo:

August 9th 1746
My Father one Kind Quarter Beef
Father Hugg - 58. Weight - - -
Peter Larry 52. Weight 

A family man indeed, My Father speaks for itself, Father Hugg is his father in law.
Peter Larry (Larey for some) is the grandfather of Michael Larey, whose widow will marry the Rev.'s son Henry. Michael Larey's son Peter Michael marries the Rev.'s granddaughter Elizabeth. 

Church building

An other issue, in concern with the early pre-Anglican period, had to do with the existence of a Church building in or near Orangeburgh. 

The late Mr. John Lucas doubted that Rev. John Giessendanner had a church building before going to England, but was of opinion that the congregation had some place of assembly. The record book does not say, but I think the evidence is strong the other way.
REF: Salley's History of Orangeburg County, pg 60

What, if anything, can we add to solve this question?
Some baptisms take place at least somewhere big enough to be 
"in Gegenwart der ganzen Gemeind" = in the presence of the whole Congregation.
Others have additional indications like:
PRIVATIM = in private
publicè = Publicly
on Barnard Elliot's Plantation
in Amelia Township
Church Bottes was a FALSE translation/transcription  in Salley's book of Kirchen Gottes, 
which means the Church of God and has nothing to do with a building but refers to the institute
In the House of Mr. Thomas Jones
In Domo Prodicti = in the same place
In the House of Mr. Thomas Fort
in Heinrich Schnells Hause
in general the same info is found in the wedding records, but added can be:
Heinrich Sahlis Hause
Joseph Hasforts old Cowpens
Cpt. Hearns Hauss
Mr. John Hearns Esqr. Hauss

As Salley stated the records did not mention a church building, but the majority has no indication at all. From the fact that some do, we may assume that the others took place at a such well known place, it did not need to be mentioned. Was it the Rev.'s own house, a barn or church building after all? 
A question to be solved.

Reading all pre 1749 records some details are remarkable:
in 1740 some publications are made in both German and English, suggesting Rev. John is mastering the English language
in 1740 Amelia Township is part of his work field
in 1741 a baptism is entered in Swiss-German, but performed in the English language
in 1747 for the first time English written wedding and also a baptismal record, Rev. John uses both languages
in 1748 (towards the end) weddings and also baptisms are entered in Latin

"Rev. John Giessendanner labored ten years as a Lutheran minister, after which, in 1749, he went to London to receive Episcopal ordination at the hands of Rev. Dr. Sherlock, Bishop of London." 
REF: Quoted in History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina, 
by G. D. Bernheim, Philadelphia, The Lutheran Bookstore, 1872., p. 121.

Rev. John went to England to be ordained an Anglican minister in May 1749.

But, a few years after Giessendanner took the step threatened by his
rival, and went to London for Episcopal ordination.  The Anglican was the
established church in the colony; the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel, though originally a non-denominational missionary society, now
threw its influence on the same side in appointing its clergyman for work
in the province, and many of the early Lutheran congregations were thus
transferred to the Episcopal fold.
REF: This information was extracted from the book entitled: 
"The Germans In Colonial Times", by Lucy Forney Bittinger, published by Russell & Russell of New York, in 1968.

Orangeburgh Citizens Petition in Behalf of Rev. John Giessendanner

went to London in 1749, received Episcopal ordination, and returned in 1750
REF: Salley page 38

South Carolina Parishes of the Anglican Church 1706-1768

Denomination:

What have we seen so far:
Hans Ulrich Giessendanner (the elder); religious leader (Swiss Reformed), but not ordained.
much more can be found at his detailed personal page, where we find at least:

Based on his own words, written in the Paravicini letter:  "I want to see what God ordains me", I would say,
Hans Ulrich's individual ideas about religion were not entirely abandoned. His departure, right upon the enforcement of the new laws in Switzerland, seem to emphasize this.
Whatever his personal believes were, he must have been an acceptable and inspiring alternative to many groups:

Circumstances in early SC were certainly in favor for his personal approach and I'm sure his inspiring attitude and teaching skills will have had great influence on his young nephew. 
Maybe the conflicts in the life of his uncle set out the path for young John to seek the ordination in Episcopal.

Rev. John (Hans Ulrich) Giessendanner

We may want to consider that John, at that time, was only seventeen years of age. The death of his uncle, at the age of 52, must have caused a not desired, but yet to resolve problem for the Congregation of Orangeburgh. How many others in Orangeburg would have qualified for such a position? We might say that John had to do what he had to do and thus "obeyed" his own desires as well as the desires of his uncle's Congregation. All he wanted was to continue the tasks of his uncle and serve the Congregation by preaching in German as his uncle did before him. 
It seems clear he set out to seek this goal by getting his orders from the most at hand possible authority, namely the Bishop of London's commissary Rev. Alexander Garden. The fact he came back a Presbyterian minister, was more or less coincidental. Was he, being seventeen years of age, "convinced" by Major Motte or merely "overruled", it is hard to determine. Whatever was true, it certainly led to what he did not seek for sure:

Both English and German petitioners  prevailed such an act with their counter petition of 1743 (full text), an event with significant consequences. From his own records we can see that Rev. John certainly was influenced by this incident and probably tightened in his original goal to get ordination from the Anglican church:

(transcription of the original by Joop Giesendanner) translation by Joop Giesendanner:
(1741)
Sonntags den 5. July ist getauft worden
William Robinson, Mr: Rabinsons und seine
Ehefrauen ehelich erzeugetes uns gebohrenes Kind
bij Zeügen Mr: Hans Danners, David Rumphs Elisa
beth Rothin, der Wittwen, etc, according to the uses
of the Church of England, and the Form in
the common Prayer Book		 On Sunday the 5th of July was baptized
William Robinson, Mr. Robinson and his
wife legitimate born child
Sponsors Mr. Hans Danners, David Rumpf  Elisa-
beth Rothin, the widow, etc, according to the Uses
of the Church of England, and the Forms in
the common Prayer Book

This July 1741 record gives a clear statement that Rev. John has started to follow the uses of the Church of England. Unfortunately that seems to have a very undesired effect for us, researchers, the mother is only named as the wife and no longer with her full maiden name as was practiced prior to this record.

an Assembly of the Presbytery, who after examination presented him with orders to preach, which he has since done in German constantly for the space of five years to the inexpressible satisfaction of the congregation at Orangeburg; and about two years ago your said English petitioners, being fully sixty miles from any other place of divine worship, some of whom had not been favored with an opportunity of hearing a sermon in the space of seven years, observing the said Mr. John Giessendanner to be a man of learning, piety, all knowledge in the Holy Scriptures, prevailed with him to officiate in preaching once every fortnight in English, which he hath since performed very articulate and intelligible to the entire satisfaction of ye said English petitioners, and always behaves himself with sobriety, honesty and justice, encouraging virtue and reproving vice.

If we calculate 1738 (the start) plus 5 years, we end up in the year 1743 (counter petition), this year minus about 
2 years (for English every fortnight), we are in 1741, where we see the above mentioned change towards the Church of England uses.

As late as January 1747 the scarce baptismal records that have survived in time are written in Swiss German, but in February of that year the language changes to English, only the change back into Swiss German again by the second half of March. The pattern continues, some in German, some in English, till the fall of 1748. 
In September of that year a totally new language is introduced: Latin.
Looks like Rev. John had a hard time to make up his mind and considering what it meant, that is not hard to understand. I would say he already started to prepare for his ordination in London, England, making daily practice into education for himself. All the changing may have been the result of his dilemma: leaving his family, leaving his Congregation, undertaking a major trip to England and back, change his denomination and so on.
There has also be word that the original plan for him was:

 I have just found a petition to the Council for John Gissendaner to Embark for
London both in behalf of himself and the Inhabitants of Orangeburgh Township
...and to proceed to Germany and Switzerland in order to cause as many of his
countrymen as he could to come and settle in this Province". Dated Thursday, 16
March 1748/49. He hoped to bring back 40 or 50 families.
It was ordered that the Comissary General do pay out of the Township fund One
hundred Pounds Currency, Petitions from the Council Journals. Vol. II: 1748-1753.

Can we find out: 1. Whether he went? 2. Who did he bring back? 3. How long did he stay?
Beverly Shuler (msg 990810)
Original text of that petition not yet available

From all we know, I don't think Rev. John went back to the mainland of Europe, but did make the trip to England to be ordained:

received Episcopal Ordination at the hands of Rev. Sherlock, Bishop of London
Note1: Ordained Deacon Aug 27, and Priest Sept 24, 1749
Dalcho, page 333
 Note 2: Gen. D. F. Jamison once had a prayer book that Dr. Sherlock had presented to Rev. Mr. Giessendanner
REF: Salley page 53

The last entry found before the trip was dated March 4, 1749 and from the citizens petition, dated May 27, we know that Rev. John carried that copy to London. So we may assume he did not leave for England before this same date. Adding 10 weeks as an average for the voyage, he arrived in England not much earlier as August 10. That leaves absolutely no time to go to Germany or Switzerland, because he is ordained Augustus 27th and also September 24th. It also means that Rev. John did not have to study in London and was evidentially ready for his ordination when he arrived in England. Calculating another 10 weeks to get back he could have been home in December 1749. The original Wolfe family sheet suggesting a wedding on December 10, 1749 is thus not entirely out of the question. Rev. John certainly had a good reason to go home as soon as possible, because he had left his wife Barbara Hugg, while she was 5 months pregnant with his 4th child.  The first dated record I could find however is a burial on Sunday the 25th of February 1750.

In 1752 he gets 300 acres of land in Cow Castle Swamp

SC trails 

He died before July 24, 1761,

His will is dated March 5, 1761; 
(other source says: Will dated 25 Mar 1761, probated 24 Jul 1761 in 
"Abstracts of the Wills of South Carolina, 1760-1784 by Caroline T. Moore, p. 13.)
 probated July 24, 1761. Probate Court Records, Charleston County, pg 124 
Ref: Salley pg 60
(additional to will of March 5, 1761: witnessed by Lewis Golson and Ulrich Ott)

buried in Orangeburgh, SC (presumably Orangeburg Cemetery) in the year 1761, 

additional text: from "A history of the Lutheran Church in South Carolina" published in 1971 comes the following information:
Giessendanner, John U. II.: D. 1761. B. Presumably Orangeburg Cemetery. 
The work of John U. Giessendanner was continued by his nephew, John Giessendanner, who like his uncle was born in Lichtensteig, Switzerland (baptized March 1, 1721). He was an ordained minister. 

Some half a mile from the center of the present town of Orangeburg and towards the Edisto River there is a graveyard, which presents the appearance of having been a long time in use for the interment of the dead, and where the entombed generations of the present day are silently slumbering with those of the past. It is still styled 'the old graveyard', although there are many new-made graves to be seen in it; and here, doubtless, repose the remains of the first Lutheran pastor in the Carolinas #Salley pg 61#
Note (same page):
Mr. Lucas said his wife was also buried there, but it is more likely that she was buried in Georgia, where Dr. Bernheim says 'she spent the close of her life'.
comment Joop: Salley makes a mistake here, it was the widow of Henry (his son), who went to Georgia.

SC Districts 1769-1784

INDEX